Tuesday 8 February 2022

सिन्नर शहराचा इतिहास

 *ऐतिहासिक सिन्नर*


सिन्नरला ऐतिहासिक वारसा आहे  . त्याच्या खुणा इथली मंदिरे, चौदा चौकाचा वाडा,  गाववेशींवरून मिळतो. सिन्नर हे प्रगत नगर असल्याने येथे नाशिकच्या आधी नगरपालिका स्थापन झाली होती.  इतिहासाचे अभ्यासक डाॅ. व्ही. पी. बिरारी यांनी " १५०० वर्षापूर्वीचे सिन्नर " या लेखातून ताम्रपाषाण कालीन संस्कृतीचे काळातील सिन्नरचे स्थान स्पष्ट केले आहे  . सिन्नरचे ' स्वपूर ' असे एक ग्रामनाम असल्याचे ते म्हणतात. चालुक्य काळात सिन्नर हे लष्करी ठाणे असल्याचे ते म्हणतात. सिन्नर या ग्रामनामाची व्युतपत्ती ते सिंद - सिंदीनगर- सिंदीनेर- सिन्नर अशी मांडतात.  सिन्नर हा शब्द अपभ्रंश होऊन तयार झाला आहे . चालुक्यांच्या नंतर राष्ट्रकुट घराण्याची सत्ता ( इ.स. ७४७ ते १०५० ) असल्याचे काळात सिन्नरमध्ये गोंदेश्वर मंदिराची उभारणी झाली. या मंदिराचे खरे नाव गोविंदेश्वर असे होते.  गोविंद या राजाला हे मंदिर राष्ट्रकुटांनी समर्पित केले होते . गोंदेश्वर हे नाव गोविंदेश्वराचा अपभ्रंश होऊन तयार झाले आहे . हे मंदिर शिवपंचायतन असून त्याच्या भोवती उत्तरेस नारायण ( विष्णू ) व गणपती आणि दक्षिणेस सूर्य व महाशक्ती  ( पार्वती ) ही मंदिरे असून मध्यस्थानी शिवाचे मुख्य मंदिर आहे. या मंदिरांचे श्रेय यादव राजवटीला दिले जात असले तरी यादव घराण्यातील राजे हे चालुक्यांचे व राष्ट्रकुटांचे प्रथम मांडलिक राजे होते. त्यानंतर त्यांनी चालुक्यांना बाजूला सारून सत्ता स्थापन केली  . यादवांच्या काळातच सिन्नरची राजधानी देवगिरीला हलविण्यात आली. इ.स. 


८५० ते ११८६ पर्यंत म्हणजे सव्वातिनशे वर्ष सिन्नरवर यादव राजांची सत्ता होती. यादव काळात सिन्नरला राजकीय व प्रशासकीय राजधानीचा दर्जा होता. लष्करी ठाणे असल्याने लष्करी धामधूम  , सैन्य , तोफा, बंदूका सिन्नरने पाहिल्या. चलनातील नाणी आणि टांकसाळी पाहिल्या. इतिहास अभ्यासकांना विविध चांदी, सोन्याची नाणी सापडली असून ती सेऊणचंद्र, भिल्लमदेव , सिंघनदेव,  महादेव, रामदेव यांच्या काळातली आहेत. कारण त्यावर राजाच्या नावाचा उल्लेख आढळतो. सिन्नर नगराने नृत्य , गायन, वादन अनुभवले . कला , संस्कृती, धर्मजागरण यांची समृध्दी असणारे सिन्नर हे प्राचीन नगर होते.  ( पहा- १५०० वर्षापूर्वीचे सिन्नर लेखक डाॅ व्ही पी बिरारी समाविष्ट सिन्नर ऐतिहासिक व सांस्कृतिक यथादर्शन ) 


        मध्ययुगीन काळात सिन्नर अहमदनगर सीमेवर  औंढा - पट्टा हे किल्ले १४ व्या शतकाच्या उत्तरार्धात बांधले गेले  . तो बहामनी काळ होता. निजामशाहीत अहमदनगर हे राज्य होते. त्यावर मलिक अंबर याची हुकुमत होती.  मलिक अंबरच्या कारकीर्दीत सिन्नर अहमदनगर राज्याचा भाग असल्याचे ऐतिहासिक कागदपत्रांवरून दिसून येते  . औढा- पट्टा किल्ल्यावर मोगलांची नजर होती. मोरोपंत पिंगळे यांनी हे किल्ले काबीज केल्यावर पुन्हा मोगलांनी ते हस्तगत केले तरी मोरोपंत पिगळ्यांनी ते परत मिळविले. ते सिन्नर तालुक्यातील वडगाव पिंगळा येथील सरदार होते.  १६७५ नंतर औंढा - पट्टा हे किल्ले मराठ्यांच्या ताब्यात होते. पट्टा किल्ला अत्यंत महत्त्वाचा किल्ला होता. तेथे छत्रपती शिवाजी महाराजांनी काही काळ विश्रांती घेतल्याने त्याला विश्रामगड असे म्हणतात. सिन्नर हे ठाणे मराठ्यांच्या ताब्यात होते. वावीचे राजेभोसले हे थेट शिवाजी महाराजांचे वंशज आहेत.  सिन्नरच्या देशमुखांचे पूर्वज कुवर बहादूर हे महत्त्वाचे पुरूष असल्याचे दिसून येते . त्यांनी इ.स. १७२४ , इ.स.१७२७ आणि इ.स. १७३१ च्या लढाईत भाग घेतल्याचे दिसून येते . डुबेर ही पहिले बाजीराव पेशवे यांची जन्मभूमी असून पेशव्याचे सिन्नर नगरीशी नातेसंबध असल्याचे दिसून येते. सिन्नर हे ऐतिहासिक नगर असल्याने ते देशमुख वतनदारांचे नगर होते असे दिसते.  इथल्या देशमुखांचे आडनाव काळे आहे . काही देशमुख काळे आडनाव लावताना दिसून येतात. सिन्नर हे संपन्न नगर असल्याने फ्रेंच कागदपत्रात सिन्नरला लिटील पुणे म्हटले आहे .

Wednesday 9 September 2020

Bollywood - the hell now an heaven then

 *"गुजरा हुआ जमाना आता नहीं दुबारा..."*

*- द्वारकानाथ संझगिरी*


आजची हिंदी चित्रपट सृष्टी माझी नाही.


बरं झालं आम्ही दादरच्या कॅफे स्विमिंगपुलवर गाणी ऐकत, चहा पीत, सिगरेट ओढत सिनेमावर चर्चा करत होतो, तेव्हा चित्रपट सृष्टीत आज साचलेल्या चिखलाचा मागमूसही नव्हता. एकमेकांवरची गलिच्छ चिखलफेकही नव्हती. 

आमच्या वेळेला एक म्हण होती, माकडाच्या हातात कोलीत. आता ती म्हण बदलली आहे, *आता माकडांच्या हातात चॅनेल* अशी नवीन म्हण अस्तित्वात आलेली आहे! 

त्या काळात फिल्मी माणसांना शिखंडी बनवून राजकीय अर्जुन शरसंधान करत नव्हते. 

धार्मिक आणि राजकिय स्तरावर ती चित्रपट सृष्टी दुभंगलेली नव्हती. 

सिनेमातल्या माणसांच्या पोटी जन्माला आलेली मुलं आणि बाहेरून चित्रपट सृष्टीत आलेले कलाकार मंडळी असा वर्ण वर्चस्वाचा खेळ नव्हता. 

न कुणीतरी परदेशात बसलेला डॉन कठपुतली प्रमाणे नट नट्या आपल्या तालावर नाचवत होता. ना एकमेकांच्या करिअर संपवण्याच्या वल्गना होत किंवा सुपारी दिली जाई. 


ती आमची चित्रपट सृष्टी नंदनवन नव्हती. 

आदर्शवतही नव्हती. 

पण इतकी किडलेली कधीच नव्हती. 


त्यावेळी अर्थात बरीच मंडळी चित्रपट सृष्टीत सामान्य कुटुंबातून येत. 

आणि कष्टाने, आपल्या गुणवत्तेने मोठे होत. 

मग तो अशोक कुमार असो, दिलीप कुमार, देव आनंद, बलराज सहानी किंवा पुढे सुनील दत्त, धर्मेंद्र, राजेंद्र कुमार, राजेश खन्ना अगदी अमिताभ बच्चन, शाहरुख खान पर्यंत. 

चटके, टक्केटोणपे खात ही मंडळी या मायावी दुनियेत  उभी राहिली. (अमिताभ नंतर एखाद्या नटाच्या प्रेमात पडायचे आमचे दिवस संपले.) 


राजकपूरचं थोडं वेगळं होतं तो पृथ्वीराज कपूरचा मुलगा होता.

पृथ्वीराज हे चित्रपटसृष्टीतलं बड प्रस्थ होतं.पण चित्रपट सृष्टीत पाय रोवण्याच्या बाबतीत दोघांचा संबंध इथेच संपला. 

पृथ्वीराज कपूरने राज कपूरला फक्त चांगल्या शाळेत घातलं. 

त्या शाळेचं नाव होतं, केदार शर्मा. 

केदार शर्माचा चौथ्या दर्जाचा सहाय्यक म्हणून राज कपूरने कामाला सुरवात केली. 

राज कपूर केदार शर्माला वन मॅन इंडस्ट्री म्हणायचा. 

तिथून राज कपूर उभा राहिला आणि शाळेपेक्षा प्रचंड मोठा झाला. 

तो स्वतः एक संस्था बनला. राज कपूरने त्याच्या विशीत कोल्हापूरच्या भालजी पेंढारकरांच्या एका सिनेमात काम केलं. कदाचित पृथ्वीराज कपूरचा मुलगा म्हणून राज कपूरला त्यांनी  त्या काळात 5 हजार रुपये दिले. 


भालजींवर पृथ्वीराजजी खुश झाले नाहीत. 

त्यांनी भालजींना खडसावलं आणि विचारलं, "इतके पैसे द्यायची त्याची लायकी आहे का? केवळ माझा मुलगा आहे म्हणून तू त्याला दिलेस?" 

भालजींनी ते परत घेतले नाहीत. पण दूरदृष्टी असलेल्या राज कपूरने चेंबूरला जागा खरेदी करायला ते वापरले. 

तिथे RK Studio उभा राहिला. "आवारा" नंतर राज कपूर बापापेक्षा मोठा झाला. 

आपल्या भावाला, शम्मी कपूरला तो सहज मदत करू शकला असता. 

त्याने ना शम्मी कपूरला मदत केली, ना शशी कपूरला. 

शम्मी कपूरचे पहिले 18 चित्रपट फ्लॉप  गेले. तो आसामच्या टी इस्टेटवर मॅनेजर व्हायला निघाला होता. "तुमसा नही देखा" चालला आणि त्याचं आयुष्य बदललं. 

पण तोच राज कपूर स्वतःच्या मुलांच्यावेळी जास्त 'बापा'सारखा वागला.

स्वतःच्या बापाचा धडा विसरला.

राज कपूर खरं तर स्कॉच व्हिस्कीचा ब्रँड अँबेसीडर व्हायला हवा होता.इतकं मद्य त्याला प्रिय ! पण पार्टीत बुजुर्ग व्ही. शांताराम असतील तर त्यांच्या समोर मद्याचा ग्लास घेऊन तो जायचा नाही. त्यांना सांगायचा, "अण्णा, झाली ना आता चर्चा. आता आम्हाला मद्य प्यायचंय. आता जा ना जरा दूर." 


आज घराणेशाही बोकाळली आहे. 

डॉक्टरच्या मुलाला डॉक्टर व्हावसं वाटतं, 

पुढाऱ्याच्या मुलाला पुढारी, 

तसं चित्रपट सृष्टीतल्या माणसाला चित्रपट व्यवसायात यायला वाटलं तर ते चुकीचं नाही. 

पण त्यासाठी स्वतःला उच्च समजणं आणि दादागिरी करणं हा नादानपणा आहे.

हल्ली अवार्ड समारंभ किंवा मुलाखती किंवा पार्टीच्या नावाखाली कुणी कुणाचा काहीही अपमान करतं . 

संस्कृतीमूल्य ही पूर्णपणे ढासळलेली आहेत. मोठ्यांबद्दलचा आदर संपला आहे. 

संस्कृती रसातळाला जायला लागली आहे.


पूर्वी गट नव्हते का? 

पूर्वी इगो नव्हते का? 

पूर्वी भांडणं नव्हती का? सर्वकाही होतं. 

पण आजचं विद्रूप, किळसवाणं रूप त्याला नव्हतं. 


माझ्या क्रिकेटर मित्राने सांगितलेला एक किस्सा सांगतो. त्याला सलीम खानने (सलमानचे पिताजी) यांनी सांगितलेला. 

एका पार्टीत सलीम खानला दिलीप कुमार भेटला. 

त्याने दिलीप कुमारला गळा भेट दिली. 

ते लांबून राज कपूर पहात होता. सलीम खान राज कपूरला भेटले आणि त्यांनी राज कपूरच्या पायाला हात लावला. 

राज कपूरने त्यांना उठवलं आणि दिलीप कुमारच्या दिशेने पहात म्हणाला, "तुने आज मुझे खरीद लिया. मांग जो मांगना है." 


राज कपूरच्या पायाला हात लावल्याने राज कपूर सुखावला होता. 

पण तोच राज कपूर "संगम"च्यावेळी दिलीप कुमारकडे गेला आणि म्हणाला, "सुंदर आणि गोपाल यापैकी तुला जी भूमिका करायची आहे ती कर. पण मला तू हवाच."


दिलीप कुमार हसला आणि म्हणाला, "त्यातली तू पाहिजे ती भुमिका मला दे. फक्त चित्रपटाचं दिग्दर्शक तू असता कामा नये." 


राज कपूरला त्यातला गर्भितार्थ कळला आणि त्याने ती भूमिका राजेंद्र कुमारला दिली.


चढाओढीतून वैमनस्य, अती दुश्मनी फार क्वचित झाली. वैयक्तिक चिखलफेक तर अगदीच कमी. 


गुरुदत्तने आत्महत्या केली असं मानलं जातं. काय वय होतं त्याचं? 

फक्त 38.! 

आणि कर्तृत्वाचा विचार केला तर सुशांत त्याच्यासमोर टिचभरच आहे. 

वहिदा गुरुदत्तला सोडून गेली म्हणून त्याने आत्महत्या केली असं ठामपणे ठरवून वहिदाची कुणी रिया नाही केली. 

कुणी वहिदाचं चारित्र्य हनन केलं नाही. 

ना गीता दत्त पत्रकारांकडे धावली. 

तिचं दुःख तिने स्वतःच पचवलं.


सर्वात महत्त्वाचं म्हणजे त्या काळात धार्मिक आणि राजकीय शांतता खूप मोठी होती. 


स्वातंत्र्याच्या उंबरठ्यावर भारताचा धार्मिक तत्वावर तुकडा पडणार हे माहीत झाल्यावर मुसलमान कलावंतांचं धाब दणाणलं. 

तरीही फैज अहमद फैज, 

मंटो किंवा नूरजहाँ सोडली तर त्यावेळच्या अनेक मुस्लिम कलाकारांनी भारतात राहणं पसंत केलं. 

कारण त्यांचा भारत सरकारवर जास्त विश्वास होता. 

साहीर, शकील, मजरूह, दिलीप कुमार, नौशाद, नर्गिस सारखी कितीतरी सिनेमातली उत्तुंग मंडळी मुस्लिम होती.  

भारत हा देश त्यांना त्यांचं घर वाटे. 

इथेच त्यांना त्यांच्या कलेचं चीज होईल असं वाटलं. 

काही कलाकारांना त्यांच्या निर्मात्यांनी घाबरून हिंदू नावं दिली. उदा. 

दिलीप कुमार, मीना कुमारी,शामा,. वगैरे. पण पेटलेला वणवा शांत झाला आणि एक वेगळं वातावरण तयार झालं. 


1951 साली बांग्लादेशहून आलेल्या हिंदू निर्वासितांसाठी मुस्लिम मधुबालाने 51 हजार रुपये दिले. 

1951 चे 51 हजार आहेत. आज किती झाले असतील. विचार करा. 


लता मंगेशकरला हिंदू निर्माते नाकारत असताना पाकिस्तानात गेलेल्या गुलाम हैदरने ओरडून सांगितलं, "लवकरच काळ असा येईल, जेव्हा तुम्ही तिच्या घरी रांग लावाल." आणि त्याचं म्हणणं खरं ठरलं. 


बैजू बावराचं एक गाणं आठवतं? "ओ दुनिया के रखवाले" आजही काशीविश्वेश्वरासाठी सकाळी ते लावलं जातं. 

कुणी लिहलं? 

शकील बदायुनी.

कुणी गायलं? रफीने. 

कुणी संगीत दिलं? नौशादने. तिघेही मुस्लिम पण गाणं मात्र पक्कं हिंदू. 


"ए मलिक तेरे बंदे हम" आठवतंय? 

लिहलं भरतव्यासने. 

गायलं लता मंगेशकरने. 

संगीत दिलं वसंत देसाईने. 

सर्व हिंदू. 

पण पाकिस्तानातल्या पंजाब प्रांतात शाळेत प्रार्थना गीत म्हणून अधिकृतपणे सरकारने लावलं होतं. 


रफी हा देवमाणूस. 

त्याने एकदा डायलिसिस मशीन नवं असताना परदेशातून आणलं होतं. पण त्याने ते सैफी किंवा तत्सम हॉस्पिटलस् ना दिलं नाही. तर ते आम जनतेच्या हॉस्पिटलला देऊन टाकलं. 


आम्ही सिगरेट ओढत, चहा ढोसत  दिलीप कुमार चांगला की देव आनंद? 

मीना कुमारी की नूतन? 

रफी की किशोर  वगैरे वाद घातले. 

पण कुणी मुस्लिम होता म्हणून तो नावडता झाला, असं कधी झालं नाही. 


पाकिस्तानात जाऊन जेव्हां तलत मेहमूदने ठामपणे सांगीतलं

की, लता मंगेशकर ही नूरजहाँपेक्षा कितीतरी श्रेष्ठ आहे. तेव्हा तो फक्त पोलिटिकली कॅरेक्ट बोलत नव्हता, तर त्याच्या हृदयातून आलेले ते उद्गार होते. 


त्यावेळेलाही सिनेमातल्या मंडळींना काही ठाम राजकीय मतं होती. 

साहीर, शैलेंद्र, मजरूह, गुरूदत्त, बलराज साहनी, मेहबूब वगैरे ही मंडळी उघड उघड डाव्या विचारसरणीची होती. 

दिलीप कुमार, नर्गिस ठामपणे काँग्रेसवाले होते. 

मनोज कुमार, लता, भालजी, सुधीर फडके ही हिन्दुत्ववादी, सावरकरवादी मंडळी होती. 

पण या सर्वांचे एकमेकांशी संबंध अत्यंत चांगले होते. 

कधीही कुणीही एकमेकांवर कसल्याही प्रकारचा आरोप केला नाही. किंवा राजकीय गटबाजी केली नाही. 


1962 च्या चिनी युद्धानंतर कृष्ण मेननना संरक्षण मंत्री पदावरून पाय उतार व्हावं लागलं होतं. त्यांनतर लगेचच निवडणूक होती. त्या निवडणुकीमध्ये देव आनंद सह काही कलाकारांनी कृष्ण मेननचा प्रचार केला. कारण त्यांची आणि कृष्णा मेनन यांची वैयक्तिक मैत्री होती. पण म्हणून देव आनंदला त्या काळात कुणी देशद्रोही म्हणून हिणवलं नाही. 


सुनिल दत्त, नर्गिस देव आनंदच्या केवढे जवळचे! 

त्यांच्या लग्नाची बातमी प्रथम सुनिल दत्तने देव आनंदला सांगितली. 

त्याच नर्गिसने देव आनंदला आणीबाणीत संजय गांधींच्या रॅलीत भाग घेण्याची विनंती केली. देव आनंदने थेट नकार दिला. इंदिरा गांधींच्या दहशतीला भीक न घालता, जयप्रकाश नारायण यांच्या पाठीशी देव आनंद उभा राहिला. तेव्हा चित्रपट सृष्टीतली अनेक मंडळीही जयप्रकाश नारायण यांच्या पाठीशी उभी राहिली. पण म्हणून ती मंडळी आणि इतर असे गट पडले नाहीत. 


राजेश खन्ना काँग्रेसमध्ये गेला म्हणून त्याचा सिनेमा पाहणं कुणी सोडलं नाही. 

शत्रुघ्न सिन्हा बीजेपीत गेला म्हणून कुणी कौतुक किंवा विरोध केला नाही. 

प्रत्येकाच्या राजकीय विचाराचा आदर केला गेला. 


मला एकदा देव आनंद सांगत होता, पाकिस्तानचे पंतप्रधान नवाज शरीफ यांना देव आनंद आणि दिलीप कुमार प्रचंड आवडत. 

ज्यावेळेला देव आनंदला त्यांना भेटायचं असेल तेव्हा ते आणि देव आनंद लंडनला जात. 

एका हॉटेलला उतरत. 

आणि एकमेकांना भेटत. 


आणखी एक किस्सा दिलीप कुमारच्या बाबतीत वाचलाय. आता नेमका कुठे वाचलाय सांगू शकत नाही. 

पण ज्यावेळेला पंतप्रधान अटलबिहारी वाजपेयी यांना नवाज शरीफ यांच्याकडे काहीतरी खास काम होतं. त्यावेळी दिलीप कुमारला त्यांनी फोन करायला सांगितला. 

आणि दिलीप कुमारने तो केला. डिप्लोमसी सुद्धा अशाप्रकारे नटांच्या मदतीने करता येत होती. 


आमच्या त्या कॅफेच्या टेबलवर सिनेमातल्या राजकीय विचारसरणीची चर्चा वेळोवेळी झाली. तरी सुद्धा त्यांच्यावर बहिष्कार टाकणं, त्यांची पोस्टर फाडणं वगैरे प्रकार कधी झालाच नाही.


आजही मला जितके नसरुद्दीन शहा, प्रकाश राज आवडतात तेवढेच मला परेश रावल, अनुपम खेर हे आवडतात. 


आमच्यासाठी जे देव होते, ते देवच राहिले. 

देवांचा आम्ही धर्म नाही पाहिला. ना जात. 


आजचे सिनेमे मी पाहतो. आजच्या सिनेमांचे विषय, हाताळणी, विषयातला बोल्डनेस, उत्तम अभिनय यांचा विचार केला तर ते मला प्रचंड आवडतात. नावडती बाजू आजच्या सिनेमांची एकच आहे, संगीत आणि गाण्यांमध्ये नसलेलं काव्य. 


आजही ते कॅफेचे मित्र भेटले आणि सिनेमाच्या गप्पा निघाल्या तर आजचा फिल्मी चिखल आम्ही कधीच तुडवत नाही. आम्ही आमच्या विश्वात रमतो. 


आजच्या चिखलामध्ये भले सुंदर सुंदर कमळं उगवत असतील पण आम्हाला तो मंद मोगऱ्याचा गंध जास्त प्रिय आहे.


शेवटी मुस्लिम मधुबालाच्या गळ्यातून हिंदू लता मंगेशकर जे म्हणाली आहे, तेच खरं - 

*"गुजरा हुआ जमाना, आता नही दुबारा"!*

Tuesday 24 July 2018

Maharshi Ved Vyas

Vyasa is a central and revered figure in most Hindu traditions. He is also sometimes called Veda Vyāsa(वेदव्यास, veda-vyāsa, "the one who classified the Vedas"), or Krishna Dvaipāyana (referring to his dark complexion and birthplace). He is generally considered the author of the Mahabharata, as well as a character in it, and the scribe of both the Vedas and Puranas. Vyasa is also considered to be one of the seven Chiranjivins (long lived, or immortals), who are still in existence according to Hindu belief. According to the Vishnu Purana, "Veda Vyasa" is a title applied to the compilers of the Vedas who are avatars of Vishnu; 28 people with this title have appeared so far. The reason for this 28 people is that in every Yuga in the Dwapara of a Given Manvantara in a Given Kalpa [ Brahma day ] Veda Vyasa who is also incarnation of God comes down. Currently we are in Sveta varaha kalpa of 7th Manu called Vaivaswata Manu and 27 Maha yugas have completed and we are currently in the last phase of 28th Yuga Kali Yuga phase.
The festival of Guru Purnima is dedicated to him. It is also known as Vyasa Purnima, for it is the day believed to be both his birthday and the day he divided the Vedas.

In the Mahabharata

Dhritarashtra born of Ambika, and Pandu, born of Ambalika and Vidura born to a maid, were born from Vyasa's powers (Siddhis).[7]Vyasa appears for the first time as the compiler of, and an important character in, the Mahabharata. It is said that he was the expansion of the god Vishnu who came in Dwaparayuga to make all the Vedic knowledge available in written form which was available in spoken form at that time. He was the son of Satyavati, adopted daughter of the fisherman Dusharaj, and the wandering sage Parashara (who is credited with being the author of the first Purana, Vishnu Purana). There are two different views regarding his birthplace. One of the views suggests that he was born in the Tanahun district in western Nepal, in Vyas municipality of Gandaki zone of Tanahun district, and his name, Vedh Vyas, names his birthplace. Another view suggests that he was born on an island in the Yamuna River near Kalpi, Uttar Pradesh, India. Vyasa was dark-complexioned and hence may be called by the name Krishna, and also the name Dwaipayana, meaning 'island-born'.
Vyasa is believed to have lived on the banks of Ganga in modern-day Uttarakhand. The place was also the abode of the sage Vashishta along with the Pandavas, the five brothers of the Mahabharata.
According to the Mahabharatha, Maharishi Vyas and his disciples and the sage Viswamitra decided to settle down in a cool and serene atmosphere after the Kurukshetra War. In the quest for a peaceful abode, he came to the Dandaka forest and, pleased with serenity of the region, selected this place. Since Maharishi Vyasa spent considerable time in prayers, the place was then called "Vasara", which became turned into Basar (in Telangana) due to the influence of the Marathi language in this region.

Early life

According to Vishnu Purana that Shri Vyasa Deva (Krishna Dwaipayana Vyasa) or Ved Vyasa, son of Parashara and Satyavati and composer of Mahabharata was born in an island on Yamuna at Kalpi.
According to the legends, in his previous life, Vyasa was the Sage Apantaratamas, who was born when Lord Vishnu uttered the syllable "Bhu". He was a devotee of Lord Vishnu. Since birth, he already possessed the knowledge of the Vedas, the Dharmashastras and the Upanishads. At Vishnu's behest, he was reborn as Vyasa.
Sage Parashara was the father of Vyasa and the grandson of Sage Vashistha. Prior to Vyasa's birth, Parashara had performed a severe penance to Lord Shiva. Shiva granted a boon that Parashara's son would be a Brahmarshi equal to Vashistha and would be famous for his knowledge.
Parashara begot Vyasa on Satyavati. She conceived and immediately gave birth to Vyasa. Vyasa turned into an adult and left, promising his mother that he would come to her when needed.
Vyasa acquired his knowledge from the four Kumaras, Narada and Lord Brahma himself.

Veda Vyasa

Hindus traditionally hold that Vyasa categorised the primordial single Veda into three canonical collections, and that the fourth one, known as Atharvaveda, was recognized as Veda only very much later. Hence he was called Veda Vyasa, or "Splitter of the Vedas," the splitting being a feat that allowed people to understand the divine knowledge of the Veda. The word vyasa means split, differentiate, or describe.
The Vishnu Purana has a theory about Vyasa. The Hindu view of the universe is that of a cyclic phenomenon that comes into existence and dissolves repeatedly. Each cycle is presided over by a number of Manus, one for each Manvantara, that has four ages, Yugas of declining virtues. The Dvapara Yuga is the third Yuga. The Vishnu Purana (Book 3, Ch 3) says:
In every third world age (Dvapara), Vishnu, in the person of Vyasa, in order to promote the good of mankind, divides the Veda, which is properly but one, into many portions. Observing the limited perseverance, energy, and application of mortals, he makes the Veda fourfold, to adapt it to their capacities; and the bodily form which he assumes, in order to effect that classification, is known by the name of Veda-vyasa. Of the different Vyasas in the present Manvantara and the branches which they have taught, you shall have an account. Twenty-eight times have the Vedas been arranged by the great Rishis in the Vaivasvata Manvantara... and consequently eight and twenty Vyasas have passed away; by whom, in the respective periods, the Veda has been divided into four. The first... distribution was made by Svayambhu (Brahma) himself; in the second, the arranger of the Veda (Vyasa) was Prajapati... (and so on up to twenty-eight).
As per Vishnu Purana, Guru Drona's son rishi Aswatthama will become the next sage Vyasa, who in turn divide the Veda in 29th Mahayuga of 7th Manvantara.

Chronicler of the Mahabharata

Ganesa writing the Mahabharat
Vyasa narrating the Mahabharata to Ganesha, his scribe, Angkor Wat.
Vyasa is traditionally known as the chronicler of this epic, and also features as an important character in it. According to the legend, the sage Vyasa was the son of Satyavati and Parashara. During her youth Satyavati was a fisherwoman who used to drive a boat. One day the sage Parashara was in a hurry to attend a yaga. Satyavati helped him cross the river borders. On this account, the sage offered her a mantra which would result in begetting a son who would be a sage with wisdom and all good qualities. Satyavati immediately recited the mantra, and thus Vyasa was born. She kept this incident a secret, not telling even King Shantanu. After many years, Shantanu and Satyavati had two sons, named Chitrangada and Vichitraviriya. Chitrangada was killed by Gandharvas in a battle, while Vichitraveriya was weak and ill all the time. Satyavati then asked Bhisma to fetch queens for Vichitravirya. Bhishma attended the swayamvara conducted by the king of Kashi (present-day Varanasi), and defeated all the kings. He abducted three princesses Amba, Ambika and Ambalika. Ambalika, later was a source of trouble to Bhishma. Also Amba who was in love with the prince of Shalva was forced to marry Vichitraviriya; later she vowed to kill Bhishma. During the wedding ceremony, Vichitraviriya collapsed and died, and Satyavati was clueless on know how to save the clan from perishing. She asked Bhishma to marry both the queens, who refused, as he had taken a vow and had promised her and her father never to marry. He, therefore could not father an heir to the kingdom. Later, Satyavati revealed to Bhishma, secrets from her past life and requested him to bring Vyasa to Hastinapur. Sage Vyasa had fierce personality and was rather unpleasant in appearance. Hence upon seeing him, Ambika was terrified and she shut her eyes, resulting in their offspring being born blind. The child was Dhritarashtra. The other queen, Ambalika, upon meeting sage Vyasa turned pale, which resulted in their child being born pale. He was Pāndu. Alarmed, Satyavati requested Vyasa meet Ambika again and grant her another son. Ambika, instead sent her maid to meet Vyasa. The duty bound maid was calm and composed; she had a healthy child later, named Vidura. While these are Vyasa's sons, another son Shuka, born of his spouse Pinjalā (Vatikā), daughter of the sage Jābāli was his true spiritual heir. Shuka appears occasionally in the story as a spiritual guide to the young Kuru princes.
Vyasa with his mother (Satyavati)
In the first book of the Mahābhārata, Vyasa asks Ganesha to assist him in writing the text. Ganesha imposes a precondition that he would do so only if Vyasa would narrate the story without a pause. Vyasa set a counter-condition that Ganesha understand the verses first before transcribing them. Thus Vyasa narrated the entire Mahābhārata and all the Upanishads and the 18 Puranas, while Lord Ganesha wrote.
Vyasa is supposed to have meditated and authored the epic by the foothills of the river Beas (Vipasa) in the Punjab region.

Vyasa's Jaya

Vyasa's Jaya (literally, "victory"), the core of the Mahābhārata, is a dialogue between Dhritarashtra (the Kuru king and the father of the Kauravas, who opposed the Pāndavas in the Kurukshetra War) and Sanjaya, his adviser and charioteer. Sanjaya narrates the particulars of the Kurukshetra War, fought in eighteen days, chronologically. Dhritarāshtra at times asks questions and expresses doubts, sometimes lamenting, fearing the destruction the war would bring on his family, friends and kin.
Sanjaya, in the beginning, gives a description of the various continents of the Earth and numerous planets, and focuses on the kingdom of Bhārata lineage that comprises India, Nepal, Tibet, Pakistan, Afghanistan, Sri Lanka, Iran, Cambodia and several other countries in south-asian subcontinent. Large and elaborate lists are given, describing hundreds of kingdoms, tribes, provinces, cities, towns, villages, rivers, mountains, forests, etc. of the ancient region of Bhārata Varsha. Additionally, he gives descriptions of the military formations adopted by each side on each day, the death of individual heroes and the details of the battles. Eighteen chapters of Vyasa's Jaya constitute the Bhagavad Gita, a sacred text in Hinduism. Jaya deals with diverse subjects, such as geography, history, warfare, spirituality and morality.

Ugrasrava Sauti's Mahābhārata

The final version of Vyasa's work is the Mahābhārata. It is structured as a narration by Ugrasrava Sauti, a professional story teller, to an assembly of rishis who, in the forest of Naimisha, had just attended the 12 year sacrifice known as Saunaka, also known as "Kulapati".

Reference to writing

Within the Mahābhārata, there is a tradition in which Vyasa wishes to write down or inscribe his work:
The Grandsire Brahma (creator of the universe) comes and tells Vyasa to get the help of Ganapati for his task. Ganapati writes down the stanzas recited by Vyasa from memory and thus the Mahābhārata is inscribed or written.
There is some evidence however that writing may have been known earlier based on archeological findings of styli in the Painted Grey Ware culture, dated between 5000 B.C. and 3000 B.C. and archeological evidence of the Brahmi script being used from at least 300 B.C.

Other texts attributed

Vyasa is also credited with the writing of the eighteen major Purāṇas. His son Shuka is the narrator of the major Purāṇa Bhagavat-Purāṇa.
The Yoga Bhashya, a commentary on the Yoga Sutras of Patanjali, is attributed to Vyasa.
The Brahma Sutra is attributed to Badarayana — which makes him the proponent of the crest-jewel school of Hindu philosophy, i.e., Vedanta. Vaishnavas conflate Vyasa with Badarayana because the island on which Vyasa was born is said to have been covered with badara (Indian jujube/Ber/Ziziphus mauritiana) trees. Some modern historians, though, suggest that these were two different personalities.
There may have been more than one Vyasa, or the name Vyasa may have been used at times to give credibility to a number of ancient texts. Much ancient Indian literature was a result of long oral tradition with wide cultural significance rather than the result of a single author. However, Vyasa is credited with documenting, compiling, categorising or writing commentaries on much of this literature.

In Sikhism

In Brahm Avtar, one of the compositions in Dasam Granth, the Second Scripture of Sikhs, Guru Gobind Singh mentions Rishi Vyas as an avatar of Brahma. He is considered the fifth incarnation of Brahma. Guru Gobind Singh wrote brief account of Rishi Vyas's compositions about great kings— Manu, Prithu, Bharath, Jujat, Ben, Mandata, Dilip, Raghu Raj and Ajj and attributed to him the store of Vedic learning.

Sunday 22 April 2018

The History of Cold War

Cold War
During World War II, the United States and the Soviet Union fought together as allies against the Axis powers. However, the relationship between the two nations was a tense one. Americans had long been wary of Soviet communism and concerned about Russian leader Joseph Stalin’s tyrannical, blood-thirsty rule of his own country. For their part, the Soviets resented the Americans’ decades-long refusal to treat the USSR as a legitimate part of the international community as well as their delayed entry into World War II, which resulted in the deaths of tens of millions of Russians. After the war ended, these grievances ripened into an overwhelming sense of mutual distrust and enmity. Postwar Soviet expansionism in Eastern Europe fueled many Americans’ fears of a Russian plan to control the world. Meanwhile, the USSR came to resent what they perceived as American officials’ bellicose rhetoric, arms buildup and interventionist approach to international relations. In such a hostile atmosphere, no single party was entirely to blame for the Cold War; in fact, some historians believe it was inevitable.
By the time World War II ended, most American officials agreed that the best defense against the Soviet threat was a strategy called “containment.” In 1946, in his famous “Long Telegram,” the diplomat George Kennan (1904-2005) explained this policy: The Soviet Union, he wrote, was “a political force committed fanatically to the belief that with the U.S. there can be no permanent modus vivendi [agreement between parties that disagree]”; as a result, America’s only choice was the “long-term, patient but firm and vigilant containment of Russian expansive tendencies.” President Harry Truman (1884-1972) agreed. “It must be the policy of the United States,” he declared before Congress in 1947, “to support free peoples who are resisting attempted subjugation…by outside pressures.” This way of thinking would shape American foreign policy for the next four decades.
The containment strategy also provided the rationale for an unprecedented arms buildup in the United States. In 1950, a National Security Council Report known as NSC–68 had echoed Truman’s recommendation that the country use military force to “contain” communist expansionism anywhere it seemed to be occurring. To that end, the report called for a four-fold increase in defense spending.
In particular, American officials encouraged the development of atomic weapons like the ones that had ended World War II. Thus began a deadly “arms race.” In 1949, the Soviets tested an atom bomb of their own. In response, President Truman announced that the United States would build an even more destructive atomic weapon: the hydrogen bomb, or “superbomb.” Stalin followed suit.
As a result, the stakes of the Cold War were perilously high. The first H-bomb test, in the Eniwetok atoll in the Marshall Islands, showed just how fearsome the nuclear age could be. It created a 25-square-mile fireball that vaporized an island, blew a huge hole in the ocean floor and had the power to destroy half of Manhattan. Subsequent American and Soviet tests spewed poisonous radioactive waste into the atmosphere.
The ever-present threat of nuclear annihilation had a great impact on American domestic life as well. People built bomb shelters in their backyards. They practiced attack drills in schools and other public places. The 1950s and 1960s saw an epidemic of popular films that horrified moviegoers with depictions of nuclear devastation and mutant creatures. In these and other ways, the Cold War was a constant presence in Americans’ everyday lives.
Space exploration served as another dramatic arena for Cold War competition. On October 4, 1957, a Soviet R-7 intercontinental ballistic missile launched Sputnik (Russian for “traveler”), the world’s first artificial satellite and the first man-made object to be placed into the Earth’s orbit. Sputnik’s launch came as a surprise, and not a pleasant one, to most Americans. In the United States, space was seen as the next frontier, a logical extension of the grand American tradition of exploration, and it was crucial not to lose too much ground to the Soviets. In addition, this demonstration of the overwhelming power of the R-7 missile–seemingly capable of delivering a nuclear warhead into U.S. air space–made gathering intelligence about Soviet military activities particularly urgent.
In 1958, the U.S. launched its own satellite, Explorer I, designed by the U.S. Army under the direction of rocket scientist Wernher von Braun, and what came to be known as the Space Race was underway. That same year, President Dwight Eisenhower signed a public order creating the National Aeronautics and Space Administration (NASA), a federal agency dedicated to space exploration, as well as several programs seeking to exploit the military potential of space. Still, the Soviets were one step ahead, launching the first man into space in April 1961.
That May, after Alan Shepard become the first American man in space, President John F. Kennedy (1917-1963) made the bold public claim that the U.S. would land a man on the moon by the end of the decade. His prediction came true on July 20, 1969, when Neil Armstrong of NASA’s Apollo 11 mission, became the first man to set food on the moon, effectively winning the Space Race for the Americans. U.S. astronauts came to be seen as the ultimate American heroes, and earth-bound men and women seemed to enjoy living vicariously through them. Soviets, in turn, were pictured as the ultimate villains, with their massive, relentless efforts to surpass America and prove the power of the communist system.
Meanwhile, beginning in 1947, the House Un-American Activities Committee (HUAC) brought the Cold War home in another way. The committee began a series of hearings designed to show that communist subversion in the United States was alive and well.
In Hollywood, HUAC forced hundreds of people who worked in the movie industry to renounce left-wing political beliefs and testify against one another. More than 500 people lost their jobs. Many of these “blacklisted” writers, directors, actors and others were unable to work again for more than a decade. HUAC also accused State Department workers of engaging in subversive activities. Soon, other anticommunist politicians, most notably Senator Joseph McCarthy (1908-1957), expanded this probe to include anyone who worked in the federal government. Thousands of federal employees were investigated, fired and even prosecuted. As this anticommunist hysteria spread throughout the 1950s, liberal college professors lost their jobs, people were asked to testify against colleagues and “loyalty oaths” became commonplace.
The fight against subversion at home mirrored a growing concern with the Soviet threat abroad. In June 1950, the first military action of the Cold War began when the Soviet-backed North Korean People’s Army invaded its pro-Western neighbor to the south. Many American officials feared this was the first step in a communist campaign to take over the world and deemed that nonintervention was not an option. Truman sent the American military into Korea, but the war dragged to a stalemate and ended in 1953.
Other international disputes followed. In the early 1960s, President Kennedy faced a number of troubling situations in his own hemisphere. The Bay of Pigs invasion in 1961 and the Cuban missile crisis the following year seemed to prove that the real communist threat now lay in the unstable, postcolonial “Third World” Nowhere was this more apparent than in Vietnam, where the collapse of the French colonial regime had led to a struggle between the American-backed nationalist Ngo Dinh Diem in the south and the communist nationalist Ho Chi Minh in the north. Since the 1950s, the United States had been committed to the survival of an anticommunist government in the region, and by the early 1960s it seemed clear to American leaders that if they were to successfully “contain” communist expansionism there, they would have to intervene more actively on Diem’s behalf. However, what was intended to be a brief military action spiraled into a 10-year conflict.
Almost as soon as he took office, President Richard Nixon (1913-1994) began to implement a new approach to international relations. Instead of viewing the world as a hostile, “bi-polar” place, he suggested, why not use diplomacy instead of military action to create more poles? To that end, he encouraged the United Nations to recognize the communist Chinese government and, after a trip there in 1972, began to establish diplomatic relations with Beijing. At the same time, he adopted a policy of “détente”–”relaxation”–toward the Soviet Union. In 1972, he and Soviet premier Leonid Brezhnev (1906-1982) signed the Strategic Arms Limitation Treaty (SALT I), which prohibited the manufacture of nuclear missiles by both sides and took a step toward reducing the decades-old threat of nuclear war.
Despite Nixon’s efforts, the Cold War heated up again under President Ronald Reagan (1911-2004). Like many leaders of his generation, Reagan believed that the spread of communism anywhere threatened freedom everywhere. As a result, he worked to provide financial and military aid to anticommunist governments and insurgencies around the world. This policy, particularly as it was applied in the developing world in places like Grenada and El Salvador, was known as the Reagan Doctrine.
Even as Reagan fought communism in Central America, however, the Soviet Union was disintegrating. In response to severe economic problems and growing political ferment in the USSR, Premier Mikhail Gorbachev (1931-) took office in 1985 and introduced two policies that redefined Russia’s relationship to the rest of the world: “glasnost,” or political openness, and “perestroika,” or economic reform. Soviet influence in Eastern Europe waned. In 1989, every other communist state in the region replaced its government with a noncommunist one. In November of that year, the Berlin Wall–the most visible symbol of the decades-long Cold War–was finally destroyed, just over two years after Reagan had challenged the Soviet premier in a speech at Brandenburg Gate in Berlin: “Mr. Gorbachev, tear down this wall.” By 1991, the Soviet Union itself had fallen apart. The Cold War was over.

Monday 29 January 2018

BRICS

BRICS


As of 2015, the five BRICS countries represent over 3.6 billion people, or about 41% of the world population; all five members are in the top 25 of the world by population, and four are in the top 10. The five nations have a combined nominal GDP of US$16.6 trillion, equivalent to approximately 22% of the gross world product, combined GDP (PPP) of around US$37 trillion and an estimated US$4 trillion in combined foreign reserves.
  Overall the BRICS are forecasted to expand 4.6% in 2016, from an estimated growth of 3.9% in 2015. The World Bank expects BRICS growth to pick up to 5.3% in 2017. The BRICS have received both praise and criticism from numerous commentators. Bilateral relations among BRICS nations have mainly been conducted on the basis of non-interference, equality, and mutual benefit.

Contents

 
  • 1History
    • 1.1First BRIC summit
    • 1.2Entry of South Africa
    • 1.3Developments


History

The term "BRIC" was coined in 2001 by then-chairman of Goldman Sachs Asset Management, Jim O'Neill, in his publication Building Better Global Economic BRICs. The foreign ministers of the initial four BRIC states (Brazil, Russia, India, and China) met in New York City in September 2006 at the margins of the General Debate of the UN General Assembly, beginning a series of high-level meetings. A full-scale diplomatic meeting was held in Yekaterinburg, Russia, on 16 June 2009.

First BRIC summit

The BRIC grouping's first formal summit, also held in Yekaterinburg, commenced on 16 June 2009, with Luiz Inácio Lula da SilvaDmitry MedvedevManmohan Singh, and Hu Jintao, the respective leaders of Brazil, Russia, India and China, all attending. The summit's focus was on means of improving the global economic situation and reforming financial institutions, and discussed how the four countries could better co-operate in the future. There was further discussion of ways that developing countries, such as 3/5 of the BRIC members, could become more involved in global affairs.
In the aftermath of the Yekaterinburg summit, the BRIC nations announced the need for a new global reserve currency, which would have to be "diverse, stable and predictable". Although the statement that was released did not directly criticise the perceived "dominance" of the US dollar – something that Russia had criticised in the past – it did spark a fall in the value of the dollar against other major currencies.

Entry of South Africa

In 2010, South Africa began efforts to join the BRIC grouping, and the process for its formal admission began in August of that year. South Africa officially became a member nation on 24 December 2010, after being formally invited by the BRIC countries to join the group. The group was renamed BRICS – with the "S" standing for South Africa – to reflect the group's expanded membership. In April 2011, the President of South AfricaJacob Zuma, attended the 2011 BRICS summit in Sanya, China, as a full member.

Developments

The BRICS leaders in 2016. Left to right: TemerModiXiPutin and Zuma.
The BRICS Forum, an independent international organisation encouraging commercial, political and cultural cooperation between the BRICS nations, was formed in 2011. In June 2012, the BRICS nations pledged $75 billion to boost the lending power of the International Monetary Fund (IMF). However, this loan was conditional on IMF voting reforms. In late March 2013, during the fifth BRICS summit in Durban, South Africa, the member countries agreed to create a global financial institution which they intended to rival the western-dominated IMF and World Bank. After the summit, the BRICS stated that they planned to finalise the arrangements for this New Development Bank by 2014. However, disputes relating to burden sharing and location slowed down the agreements.
At the BRICS leaders meeting in St Petersburg in September 2013, China committed $41 billion towards the pool; Brazil, India and Russia $18 billion each; and South Africa $5 billion. China, holder of the world's largest foreign exchange reserves and who is to contribute the bulk of the currency pool, wants a greater managing role, said one BRICS official. China also wants to be the location of the reserve. "Brazil and India want the initial capital to be shared equally. We know that China wants more," said a Brazilian official. "However, we are still negotiating, there are no tensions arising yet." On 11 October 2013, Russia's Finance Minister Anton Siluanov said that a decision on creating a $100 billion fund designated to steady currency markets would be taken in early 2014. The Brazilian finance minister, Guido Mantega stated that the fund would be created by March 2014.[31] However, by April 2014, the currency reserve pool and development bank had yet to be set up, and the date was rescheduled to 2015.[32] One driver for the BRICS development bank is that the existing institutions primarily benefit extra-BRICS corporations, and the political significance is notable because it allows BRICS member states "to promote their interests abroad... and can highlight the strengthening positions of countries whose opinion is frequently ignored by their developed American and European colleagues."
In March 2014, at a meeting on the margins of the Nuclear Security Summit in The Hague, the BRICS Foreign Ministers issued a communique that "noted with concern, the recent media statement on the forthcoming G20 Summit to be held in Brisbane in November 2014. The custodianship of the G20 belongs to all Member States equally and no one Member State can unilaterally determine its nature and character." In light of the tensions surrounding the 2014 Crimean crisis, the Ministers remarked that "The escalation of hostile language, sanctions and counter-sanctions, and force does not contribute to a sustainable and peaceful solution, according to international law, including the principles and purposes of the United NationsCharter." This was in response to the statement of Australian Foreign Minister Julie Bishop, who had said earlier that Russian President Vladimir Putin might be barred from attending the G20 Summit in Brisbane.
In July 2014, the Governor of the Russian Central Bank, Elvira Nabiullina, claimed that the "BRICS partners the establishment of a system of multilateral swaps that will allow to transfer resources to one or another country, if needed" in an article which concluded that "If the current trend continues, soon the dollar will be abandoned by most of the significant global economies and it will be kicked out of the global trade finance."
Over the weekend of 13 July 2014 when the final game of the World Cup was held, and in advance of the BRICS Fortalezasummit, Putin met fellow leader Dilma Rouseff to discuss the BRICS development bank, and sign some other bilateral accords on air defence, gas and education. Rouseff said that the BRICS countries "are among the largest in the world and cannot content themselves in the middle of the 21st century with any kind of dependency." The Fortaleza summit was followed by a BRICS meeting with the Union of South American Nations president's in Brasilia, where the development bank and the monetary fund were introduced. The development bank will have capital of US$50 billion with each country contributing US$10 billion, while the monetary fund will have US$100 billion at its disposal.
The BRICS leaders in 2017. Left to right: TemerPutinXiZuma and Modi.
On 15 July, the first day of the BRICS 6th summit in Fortaleza, Brazil, the group of emerging economies signed the long-anticipated document to create the US$100 billion New Development Bank (formerly known as the "BRICS Development Bank") and a reserve currency pool worth over another US$100 billion. Documents on cooperation between BRICS export credit agencies and an agreement of cooperation on innovation were also inked.
At the end of October 2014, Brazil trimmed down its US government holdings to US$261.7 billion; India, US$77.5 billion; China, US$1.25 trillion; South Africa, US$10.3 billion.
In March 2015, Morgan Stanley stated that India and Indonesia had escaped from the 'fragile five' (the five major emerging markets with the most fragile currencies) by instituting economic reforms. Previously, in August 2013, Morgan Stanley rated India and Indonesia, together with Brazil, Turkey and South Africa, as the 'fragile five' due to their vulnerable currencies. But since then, India and Indonesia have reformed their economies, completing 85% and 65% of the necessary adjustments respectively, while Brazil had only achieved 15%, Turkey only 10%, and South Africa even less.
After the 2015 summit, the respective communications ministers, under a Russian proposal, had a first summit for their ministries in Moscow in October where the host minister, Nikolai Nikiforov, proposed an initiative to further tighten their information technology sectors and challenge the monopoly of the United States in the sector.
Since 2012, the BRICS group of countries have been planning an optical fibre submarine communications cable system to carry telecommunications between the BRICS countries, known as the BRICS Cable. Part of the motivation for the project was the spying of the National Security Agency on all telecommunications that flowed across the US.